Kwame Nkrumah became the first prime and later president of
Ghana. Kwame
was the leader of Ghana. Until he was deposed by a coup d'état
in 1966, he was a major spokesman for modern Africa. His
mission, he claimed, was to "civilise" Africa. He
saw the solution to African problems in African unity.
Kwame was born on September
21, 1909, at Nkroful the then British-ruled Gold Coast, a son
of a goldsmith. Trained as a teacher, he went to the United
States in 1935 for advanced studies and continued his
schooling in England, where he helped organize the Pan-African
Congress in 1945. He returned to Ghana in 1947. A
series of meetings with the leadership of the United Gold
Coast Convention, (UGCC), founded on 4 August, 1947, and lead
by Dr. J. B. Danquah, resulted, on 20 January, 1948, in the
appointment of Nkrumah as General Secretary of the Party.
Nkrumah
began an intense speaking tour throughout the country, and
with his unique, impassioned rhetoric, soon had the entire
country seething with Pan-African enthusiasm and demands for
self-rule. Boycotts of European goods were initiated; labor
strikes became commonplace and work slowdowns began in all
areas of the Gold Coast's commerce and industry.
The
28th of February 1948 was a landmark day in the
nation's history. Sixty-three former loyal soldiers lay dead
or badly wounded on the streets of Accra. This was after a
large contingent of former servicemen who were tired of
unfulfilled promises by the government, drafted a petition
seeking redress of grievances for presentation to H.M's
Governor, Sir Gerald Creasy, were killed. Rioting and looting
lasted for five days.
On
1 March 1948, Governor Creasy declared a state of emergency.
Strict press censorship was imposed over the entire country.
On 12 March, the Governor issued Removal Orders and police
were dispatched to pick up and arrest the entire UGCC Central
Executive; Kwame Nkrumah, Dr. Danquah, E. Akufo Addo, William
Ofori Atta, E. Obelsebi Lamptey and E. Ako Adjei were
arrested, detained and exiled to the Northern Territories.
On
14 March 1948, Cape Coast students demonstrated, demanding the
release of the Party leadership. Once again, the government
responded with great force, leaving the dead and dying in its
wake. Upset by the events in Ghana, the Colonial Office in
London, appointed a Commission, chaired by Mr. A. K. Watson,
Recorder of Bury St. Edmunds, to investigate the reasons for
the disturbances and to make recommendations for the continued
governance of the colony.
On
12 April 1948, the Party leadership was released from
detention, when Governor Creasy finally acceded to demands. On
19 April, he lifted the 1-½ month press ban. Much as these actions served to superficially quiet the
country, but it did nothing to flourishing and rampant demand
for self-rule. On 26 April 1948, the Watson Commission
concluded its deliberations and recommended was that a
Constitution be drafted as a possible prelude to eventual
self-rule. To that end, an all African Constitutional
Committee was appointed under the Chairmanship of an esteemed
African jurist, Mr. Justice Henley Coussey of the Gold Coast
High Court.
In
the meantime, Nkrumah toured the country addressing huge
crowds advocating for self-government, even among the youth.
On 26 February 1949, he announced the formation of the
Committee on Youth Organization (CYO) designed to bring young
people into active politics. Following a rebuke of the
membership for not working hard enough and failure to support
his vision of self-rule, Nkrumah tendered his resignation as
General Secretary of the party. On 12 June 1949, at a CYO
rally in Accra, Nkrumah announced the formation of the
Convention Peoples Party (CPP), therefore splitting from the United Gold Coast Convention.
On
7 November 1949, the Coussey Committee Report was published
but fell short of a recommendation for self-rule. Consequently, Nkrumah announced formation of the Ghana
Representative Council (GRC) as the principal body to initiate
appeal against the report. Plans were announced for a
nationwide Positive Action strike to begin 1 January 1950. He
renewed his nationwide tour, calling for self-government.
New
Years Day, 1950, dawned with labor shutdowns in every
industrial and commercial facility. Government responded
immediately with a State of Emergency announced by the
Governor. Following this, more than 200 CPP and CYO leaders,
including Nkrumah were arrested. The arrests and detentions
did not stop the movement. Enough people stepped into the
leadership void to perpetuate the movement. The "Gold
Coast Leader" was initiated, first as a sub-rosa
broadsheet and within a month, as a widely distributed CPP
propaganda newspaper.
In
the meantime, the government accepted the Coussey Committee
report and began implementing its recommendations, beginning
with municipal elections in Accra on 8 April 1950, Cape Coast
on 12 June 1950 and Kumasi on 4 November 1950. CPP won in a
landslide. Although still in prison, Nkrumah recorded an
extraordinary plurality of 22,780 votes out of 23,122 votes
cast. When
Nkrumah’s CPP swept the 1951 elections, he was freed to form
a government, and led the colony to independence as Ghana in
1957.
A
firm believer in African liberation, Nkrumah pursued a radical
pan-African policy, playing a key role in the formation of the
Organization of African Unity in 1963. As head of government,
he was less successful however, and as time passed he was
accused of forming a dictatorship. In 1964 he formed a
one-party state, with himself as president for life. He was
overthrown by the military in 1966, with the help of western
backing and spent his last years in exile. He died in
Bucharest, Romania, on April 27, 1972. His legacy and dream of
a "United States of African" still remains a goal
among many.
Nkrumah was the motivating force behind the movement for the
independence of Ghana. His
numerous writings address Africa's political destiny. The
following discusses his objectives for Africa and issues for
the organization of government there.
Kwame’s dream
of a united Africa is best exemplified in his writings in “I Speak of Freedom: A Statement of African
Ideology” (London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1961), pp. xi-xiv.).
He posited,
“
Divided we are weak; united, Africa could become one of the
greatest forces for good in the world. Although most Africans
are poor, our continent is potentially extremely rich. ….
This is one of the reasons why we have in Africa the paradox
of poverty in the midst of plenty, and scarcity in the midst
of abundance. Never
before have a people had within their grasp so great an
opportunity for developing a continent endowed with so much
wealth. Individually, the independent states of Africa, some
of them potentially rich, others poor, can do little for their
people. Together, by mutual help, they can achieve much. But
the economic development of the continent must be planned and
pursued as a whole. A loose confederation designed only for
economic co-operation would not provide the necessary unity of
purpose. Only a strong political union can bring about full
and effective development of our natural resources for the
benefit of our people…..
If
the need for political union is agreed by us all, then the
will to create it is born; and where there's a will there's a
way. The present
leaders of Africa have already shown a remarkable willingness
to consult and seek advice among themselves. Africans have,
indeed, begun to think continentally. They realise that they
have much in common, both in their past history, in their
present problems and in their future hopes. To suggest that
the time is not yet ripe for considering a political union of
Africans is to evade the facts and ignore realities in Africa
today…….. In
my view, therefore, a united Africa – that is, the political
and economic unification of the African Continent – should
seek three objectives.
Firstly, we should have an over-all economic planning on a
continental basis. This would increase the industrial and
economic power of Africa. So long as we remain balkanized,
regionally or territorially, we shall be at the mercy of
colonialism and imperialism. The lesson of the South American
Republics vis-á-vis the strength and solidarity of the United
States of America is there for all to see.
Secondly, we should aim at the establishment of a unified
military and defense strategy. I do not see much virtue or
wisdom in our separate efforts to build up or maintain vast
military forces for self-defense, which, in any case, would be
ineffective in any major attack upon our separate states. If
we examine this problem realistically, we should be able to
ask ourselves this pertinent question: which single state in
Africa today can protect its sovereignty against an
imperialist aggressor?
The third objective which we should have in Africa stems from
the first two which I have just described . . . a unified
foreign policy and diplomacy to give political direction to
our joint efforts for the protection and economic development
of our continent . . . The desirability of a common foreign
policy which will enable us to speak with one voice in the
councils of the world, is so obvious, vital and imperative
that comment is hardly necessary.
The
emergence of such a mighty stabilising force in this
strife-worn world should be regarded not as the shadowy dream
of a visionary, but as a practical proposition, which the
peoples of Africa can, and should, translate into reality.
There is a tide in the affairs of every people when the moment
strikes for political action. Such was the moment in the
history of the United States of America when the Founding
Fathers saw beyond the petty wranglings of the separate states
and created a Union. This is our chance. We must act now.
Tomorrow may be too late and the opportunity will have passed,
and with it the hope of free Africa's survival.“